Starblazer

DeRank : 2,48
DeAge™ : 6713 days • Here since 23 january 2008
George Lucas Star Wars: Episodio I - La Minaccia Fantasma
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the movie isn’t too bad, but it remains by far the worst of the saga. PS: KILL JAR-JAR.
Muse The Resistance
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Exo Politics and City Of Delusion mediocre pieces!?!? Guiding Light a slow jam? but where, when ever? and then what do the dari, lost, and tokio hotel have to do with it?
Manowar Thunder In The Sky (EP)
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But Hamzik isn't the one who plays for Napoli, is he?
Luca Carboni Carovana
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his voice sounds like a mix between Bossi post-heart attack and a beaten dog.
Metallica Master Of Puppets
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This record brings back so many bad memories...
Insomniac Spyro The Dragon
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Back then, I hated those colorful, cartoonish platforms to death. I don't know, maybe today I would even like them...
Carla Bruni No Promises
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I would add her to my favorites if it weren't for the "sexy voice," which I find as sexy as Platinette in sadomaso lingerie.
Erik Gandini Videocracy
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Alright, enough is enough. If you want to know how it ends: antimilan.it
Erik Gandini Videocracy
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... By a curious coincidence, at the end of October 1985, the Italian Football Federation sends inspectors to check the accounts of AC Milan. Farina becomes agitated, but the federal president Sordillo tries to keep him calm: <<In AC Milan's accounts, no substantial irregularities have been found, only formal ones>>. The Rossoneri club is not doing very well: the coffers are empty, and debts with banks reach about ten billion. However, the total value of the Milan players is four times that: the team includes young champions such as Baresi, Costacurta, Maldini, Evani, Tassotti, Stroppa, Hateley; and seasoned champions like Di Bartolomei, Paolo Rossi, and Virdis. Then there are the properties of the sports center in Milanello, plus Farina's personal assets, which are considerable.
Fifteen days later, that is, in mid-December, here comes the twist: with a decision that newspapers describe as <<strange, sudden, unexpected>>, Farina resigns as president and leaves AC Milan. He declares to the press: <<I made this decision because something serious happened that I cannot disclose. I’m leaving for the good of Milan... Don’t ask me to be clearer: I can’t>>. Power has ordered him to step aside, and he is forced to comply.
On December 17, the Ansa agency reports <<a rumor according to which the share package of AC Milan has already been sold to a group that includes the Milanese entrepreneur Silvio Berlusconi>>. The agency cites a denial from Fininvest, which denies everything, even any interest. The next day, December 18, Ansa reports the following statement: <<The Fininvest group, of which Silvio Berlusconi is president, declares its willingness to consider the possibility of a capital intervention in AC Milan. This possibility arises today, following the publicly stated intentions of disengagement from the current president, Giuseppe Farina>>.
At this point, a comedy begins that lasts for weeks. The oil magnate Dino Armani, who has long been interested in buying the Rossoneri club, seems resigned to step aside: <<I repeatedly asked Farina to tell me how much he wanted, but there was never a real negotiation; he has always been vague...>>. It begins to be clear that AC Milan is destined for Fininvest. At San Siro stadium, Rossoneri fans are already seen with banners and signs (it’s unclear how spontaneous) cheering for Berlusconi. Meanwhile, the owner of Canale 5 is playing it safe: <<I am ready to buy Milan, but on the basis of the actual value determined by my experts. An agreement can only be reached if Farina’s demands are not exaggerated>>.
Fininvest's three TV channels and newspapers accompany Berlusconi’s siege of AC Milan as instruments of pressure: they even drag in the support of the Rossoneri fans of Berlusconi's father, little Silvio, brother Paolo, grandmother and aunt, friend Fedele Canfolaneri, dear partner Adriano Galliani... It's all a ridiculous sentimental show, a Brianza telenovela to portray the so-called "negotiation" with Farina as <<an act of love>> for Milan. In reality, it is a political and also television business:
<<For a long time, Canale 5 has been interested in football. It was its offers that multiplied tenfold in just a few years the price that Rai pays for the exclusive rights to the league. The impossibility of live broadcasts and the league’s desire to favor the public entity in any case have always abruptly interrupted discussions. The current contract binding football to Rai, however, expires at the end of the next season. By that date, interconnection will almost certainly be a done deal. Moreover, Canale 5 would also have learned to manage the tremendous technical commitment of simultaneously broadcasting the entire league. The Rai and League agreement needs the approval of all clubs to be finalized. There must be unanimity; if even a single club says no, the negotiation would remain suspended and be greatly complicated. At that point, Berlusconi could become the president of AC Mila
Erik Gandini Videocracy
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On October 30, 1985, "Corriere dello Sport-Stadio" reported that Silvio Berlusconi's Fininvest had purchased AC Milan, specifying the price at 24 billion lire, to be paid in four installments. On the same day, Fininvest issued an official statement denying the claim and affirming its "total estrangement from the negotiations for the purchase of the Milanese team."
Of course, the denial was a lie. Berlusconi was indeed trying to get a hold of AC Milan, but – in true P2 style – the operation had to remain secret, as the goal was to acquire the red and black club at a bargain price. First, they needed to remove Milan's president, Giuseppe Farina, known as Giussy, and then eliminate all potential competitors interested in buying the club. Because Fininvest had no intention of participating in an auction; they wanted AC Milan for a pittance, plain and simple.
President Farina wasn't exactly a saint; in fact, he was a notorious figure, but compared to Berlusconi, he was a novice. The head of Fininvest had been handling billions upon billions for years, with unclear origins: part of it was anonymous capital parked in Switzerland, while another part fell from the sky in cash. He was also a highly talked-about figure, to the point that on May 30, 1983, the Guardia di Finanza sent a note to the Milan Public Prosecutor stating: "It has been reported that the well-known Silvio Berlusconi, interested in the private television broadcaster 'Canale 5,' would finance an intense drug trafficking operation from Sicily with branches in France and other Italian regions (particularly Lombardy and Lazio)."
Even without the P2 web, in the Milan operation, Mr. Berlusconi could count on some very heavy political backing: the sitting Prime Minister Bettino Craxi, half of the Christian Democracy party, the craxiano Carlo Tagnoli, mayor of Milan, the president of the CONI Franco Carraro, and the president of the Italian Football Federation Sordillo. Plus the TV and newspapers of Fininvest, and the Milanista fans. Poor Farina, on the other hand, even though he had a few billion, was just a loser without any connection or support, so his small empire, with the gem of AC Milan, had a countdown.
THE SHARK’S THEFT
By a happy coincidence, at the end of October 1985, the Italian Football Federation sent inspectors to audit AC Milan's accounts. Farina then became agitated, but the federal president Sordillo tried to calm him down: "In Milan's accounts, no substantial irregularities have been found, only formal ones."
The red and black club was not doing very well: the coffers were empty, and debts with banks reached about ten billion. However, the overall value of the Milan players was four times that: the team had young stars like Baresi, Costacurta, Maldini, Evani, Tassotti, Stroppa, Hateley; and seasoned champions like Di Bartolomei, Paolo Rossi, and Virdis. Then there were the properties of the sports center in Milanello, plus Farina's personal assets, which were substantial.
Fifteen days later, around mid-December, here comes the twist: with a decision that newspapers described as "strange, sudden, unexpected," Farina resigned as president and left Milan. He declared to the press: "I made this decision because something serious happened that I cannot talk about. I am leaving for the good of Milan... Don’t ask me to be more clear: I can't." Power had ordered him to step aside, and he was compelled to obey.
On December 17, Ansa reported "a rumor suggesting that the share package of AC Milan had already been sold to a group that included the Milanese entrepreneur Silvio Berlusconi." The agency also reported Fininvest's denial, which rejected everything, even interest. The next day, December 18, Ansa published the following statement: "The Fininvest group, chaired by Silvio Berlusconi, declares its willingness to consider the possibility of a capital intervention in AC Milan. This possibility arises today following the publicly expressed intentio