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Rating: Let's start with the fact that I'm right, and if you think differently, you're wrong. I don't have time to waste, let alone the desire to hear your opinions.
If I'm honest with myself, I find myself a little in this phrase. I've thought about it and concluded that, deep down, I always inform myself through the usual media, mainly to reinforce what is already my belief. An article or book that doesn't align with my thinking, I don't even open it, I don't even search for it, and the history of my digital tile, perpetually attached to my hand, certainly doesn't help in this regard. If I think it through, I believe this state of affairs contributes to increasing the divergence of opinions and distances us from real dialogue. We are an army of clans that think alike and with the "others," we don't talk, and if we do, we talk about nothing. This state of affairs results in a decrease in constructive criticism that should be the foundation for dialogue, to consider the possibility of changing opinions, questioning oneself, reaching agreements, understanding each other better, and growing.
Henry Kissinger has never been particularly sympathetic to me. He was one of those individuals who used the subtle and underhanded art of diplomacy and pragmatism to influence the post-World War II world and build the order based on the delicate balance of powers during the Cold War. The typical person you wouldn't want to turn your back to or get too friendly with. Despite never having a poster of him in my room, I bought his latest book just to give meaning to what is written in the introduction to the review. It was a particular and positive experience, and I invite you to do the same by reading a book by an author who is NOT within your comfort zone.
LEADERSHIP
The book deals with six profoundly different statesmen with whom Kissinger has dealt throughout his long career as a diplomat, presidential advisor, Secretary of State, and U.S. national security advisor.
The thesis is that the context in which a politician operates can be imagined as a perimeter: the room for maneuver is necessarily limited. A true statesman is one who is aware of such boundaries and, having a long-term vision, will try to modify them. The mediocre leader complains about the context, looks at the present, cannot distinguish relevant things from ordinary ones, and follows what others do, losing strategic relevance and independence. Kissinger unravels the stories of six statesmen. Adenauer, who practiced the strategy of humility to rehabilitate post-war Germany. De Gaulle and Thatcher, who, with will and determination, managed to revive two countries that were in total identity and economic crisis. Nixon's strategy of equilibrium, which opened up to China to weaken the Soviet Union and revive the U.S. economy, decimated by inflation. Sadat's strategy of overcoming, signing an agreement with Israel and reclaiming the Sinai after the Yom Kippur War through patience. Lee Kuan Yew's strategy of excellence adopted to allow Singapore to survive among Asian giants.
CRITIQUE
The book offers its most interesting parts in the initial preamble and the final closing, which is incredibly lucid for someone who, approaching a hundred years, has not lost touch with reality and manages to navigate the whirlwind dynamics of modern society. I agree with the thesis that the starting context is unavoidable, and a leader's strategy, to be successful, must be aware of the limits of action and the historical knowledge of the opponents. However, I am devastated by the coldness and calculating, Machiavellian method with which the author explains the events and shows admiration for some leaders who, to achieve their goals, had no scruples. I didn't like that the questionable actions of the various leaders analyzed were silenced, and in this way, the message was, in my view, simplified and somewhat trivialized, highlighting only the silverware while sweeping the rest under the carpet.
I am referring in no particular order to Watergate, special operations in Latin America. Reading the chapter on Singapore, it seems like living in paradise, not in a dictatorship, however enlightened. De Gaulle forced the hand in everything, and the tactical retreat brought the country to its knees. The enormous tensions and social inequalities during Thatcher's period, Sadat's regime, and Adenauer's indulgence toward Nazi criminals. Over these little matters, a black marker is drawn.
CLOSURE
Excellent final closure. According to Kissinger, Western schools and universities offer technical training and have distanced themselves from their mission to train citizens and potential statesmen. In his view, there is a lack of humanistic education, which develops more slowness, depth, restraint of impulses, development of critical thinking, and long-term consequence evaluation. This conception is replaced with colder, faster, quantitative training that is devoid of metrics of value and understanding of others.
"Although the internet makes data and news more accessible than ever, this overabundance of information has not made us more aware and wiser. Forgetting a single fact cannot matter because it can be recovered on the internet, but this weakens our analytical abilities. For information to become knowledge, it must be placed in a broader context of history and experience. It's no wonder users are classified as followers and influencers. Leaders are absent."
I see myself in this quoted statement.
I believe that reading a book of this sort calmly and deeply was time well spent and provided me with some interesting insights.
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