Larrok

The two spoke to each other at the European Parliament; they are both Members of the European Parliament: one is with the UDC, the other with the DS. One is part of the European People's Party, the other part of the European Socialist Group. In theory, they should be on opposing fronts, but they affectionately meet to discuss business. Why? Because UNIPOL needs Bonsignore to bring his shares into an alliance with Consorte to avoid him siding with the Spaniards of Bilbao; otherwise, a stake of shares would slip away. And who goes to talk to Bonsignore? Not Consorte, but D'Alema, who then calls Consorte to update him on how the meeting went. He says: "Am I speaking with the man of the moment?" Consorte: "The man of the moment? The loser of the moment!" D'Alema: "Where are you at?... No, but don’t tell me anything... No, I wanted to tell you one thing..." Consorte: "It's all closed..." D'Alema: "Bonsignore came to see me." Consorte: "Yes, I spoke with him yesterday." D'Alema: "He has some advice." Consorte: "Yes, whether to stay in or sell everything." The problem is that Bonsignore asks, "Do you want to buy my shares, or do you want me to keep them and remain secretly allied with you?" That's exactly what Consorte wants: he doesn't want to buy the shares; he wants to have Bonsignore with his package in his pocket alongside many little fleas. D'Alema says: "He wanted to know if I was asking him to do what you asked him to do..." That is, is D'Alema the one asking me this, or just Consorte? Consorte responds: "Ah ah!" D'Alema: "Bonsignore wanted other things, shall we say..." Consorte: "Eh, I imagined; he was not disinterested." D'Alema: "He wanted other things on the side at a political table. I wanted to inform you that I took care of my end." In other words, I did him a political favor. D'Alema continues: "He told me he would stay, he said he would stay - that is, he stays with the package in hand, allied with UNIPOL - he is willing to agree with you for a year, two years - to keep it there for a year, two years to serve as a frontman for Consorte - the time you need." D'Alema has already done the political favor in return. Consorte: "Yes, yes, but there..." D'Alema says: "Hey Gianni, let's get to the point: if you need him, he stays." Consorte: "Yes, yes, yes, yes." And that's it. D'Alema: "And we haven't spoken, eh!" Consorte: "No, absolutely. On Monday, we launch the OPA. We're done." See, they already have control of the bank, and instead of launching it earlier, they launch it later. Thus, Consorte concludes by confessing his market manipulation, that is, his fraud against the stock market. D’Alema, of course, doesn’t flinch, just as Latorre doesn’t blink at knowing that these shares are purchased through banking and financial companies rather than in his own name. The last phone call, which gives weight and political breath to the great statesman Latorre, is the phone call Latorre makes with Stefano Ricucci. Yes, because Latorre also talked with Stefano Ricucci while he was making the takeover bid for Corriere della Sera. This is a call from July 18. While Fassino calls Consorte saying: "So, we are the owners of a bank!", the famous phone call that got him into trouble in the middle of the electoral campaign, published by Berlusconi's Giornale, Latorre calls Ricucci. Ricucci also did a big favor for Consorte by acquiring shares in BNL from Caltagirone and allying with UNIPOL. He almost feels like an honorary diessino, and he tells Latorre. They are best buddies, incredibly affectionate, as if they were Berlinguer and Natta. Given that the new generations are this farce we've seen, instead of Berlinguer and Natta, we have Latorre and Ricucci. Latorre says: "Stefano!" Ricucci: "Here I am, comrade Ricucci reporting!" He probably even had his fist raised. Latorre: "Ah ah!" Ricucci: "This morning I told Consorte: give me a card - from the DS - because I can't take it anymore!" You see the blend continues: Ricucci calls Consort

Poor Fassino, you will remember, appears like a fool in the phone calls, the figure of the cuckold, the one who is the last to know things. They warn Fassino after the fact because they think, to themselves, that he won't understand anyway. Instead, those who are at the heart of the operation, alongside Consorte, are Latorre and D'Alema. In fact, Latorre often passes the phone to D'Alema in the hope that this way D'Alema will be immune to interceptions—what intelligence! What you say is recorded whether you speak on one phone or another! The fact that Consorte's phone was intercepted means that Latorre could change all the phones in the world, but what he said always ended up in the interception of Consorte's phone. These politicians are regarded as geniuses, and in reality, they are so stupid that it's hard to believe they are that stupid! Just think that when D'Alema discovers—no one knows from whom, thanks to a leak that has never been clarified—that the smart ones of the neighborhood are being intercepted along with Governor Fazio, he hastens to warn Consorte to be careful with his phone calls. And how does he warn him? By calling him on the intercepted phone! One might say, "What an idiot?" No, he is the smartest politician we have, so imagine the others! We are on July 5, 2005, Latorre calls Consorte: "Well, tell me everything, dear. How are things?" Consorte: "We're like this, Nicò: let’s say tomorrow is the key day, because the engineer—meaning Caltagirone, who had BNL shares and whom they hoped would side with UNIPOL—and his associates have pulled back and want to sell. So there are two problems: the price; we offered them €2.6 per share take it or leave it..." Latorre: "But are you getting the 26% of BNL?" Consorte: "The 27%." He had 27% of BNL. "Damn!" says Latorre. At a certain point, Consorte says: "Anyway, this is something I want to discuss with you and Massimo—D'Alema—separately." What’s the problem now? These shares have to be bought by third parties, and already the 27% of BNL that Caltagirone is selling won’t be taken by Consorte; otherwise, he would have to come up with the money, which he doesn't have. And then Latorre says: "Well, of course you can't buy them." You can't do things the regular way, Latorre rightly says... with that face. Consorte replies: "Exactly!" Who buys on behalf of Consorte? The banks and cooperatives, so "I have a problem of a race against time because I’m trying to convince these guys, but each of them has a specific problem. I mean, we need to talk to the cooperatives and convince them, and we need to talk to Caltagirone to make sure he sticks to the agreed price. And then Latorre says: "So what, should I have Massimo call the engineer?" I mean, should D'Alema call Caltagirone? Because if Caltagirone gets a call from D'Alema... well, Caltagirone, a builder, publisher... Consorte: "And look... I've thought about it; that's why I called. I need time, Nicola, until tomorrow afternoon... it’s better if Massimo makes a call." Why? Because at this point, if things aren’t done, we know who to blame. Then we don’t know if the call is made; it’s likely it won't be made, especially because Caltagirone, knowing who is behind Consorte, ends up doing what he’s told and what is suggested by the general atmosphere. Keep in mind we're a few months from the victory of the center-left; anyway, finance had every interest in favoring a group like UNIPOL, which is so close to the DS. At this point, several days pass, and there’s another problem. On July 14, 2005, D'Alema speaks with Consorte, directly on his phone. He calls him at 9:46 to inform him that he has spoken with Vito Bonsignore, another BNL shareholder, an MEP of the UDC, convicted for corruption—naturally, otherwise he wouldn’t be in that party. The two spoke in the European Parliament; they are both European parliamentarians: one is in the UDC, the other in the DS. One is in the European People's Party; the other is in the European Social

In the meantime, what are we talking about? The fact that in the summer of 2005, protected by Governor Fazio and Premier Berlusconi, but also by the leaders of the DS and the Lega Nord, a gang of adventurers, speculators, real estate developers, builders decided to get their hands on a piece of publishing, the largest independent publishing house untouched by politics, namely Rizzoli - Corriere della Sera, and on two strategic banks like the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro and the Banca Antonveneta. The raiders operate on three fronts, seemingly, but in reality, they are intertwined with each other because the three raids are one single operation aimed at reshaping a piece of capitalism and a piece of the Italian publishing sector in the likeness of Fazio, Berlusconi, D'Alema, and Bossi. The parties’ hands, which are now vassals of these financiers, on a piece of the banking system and a piece of the information system. The operation fails because fortunately, the Milan Public Prosecutor’s office requests interceptions, and thankfully, there is a GIP like Clementina Forleo who grants them, leading to everyone being caught with their hands in the cookie jar and the rat in their mouths, with the tail still sticking out. They are all violating penal and stock market rules that, as you know, require anyone wanting to take over a company by gathering shares to declare and disclose themselves when they reach 30% of the voting rights of that company. Do you want to buy a bank? When you reach 30%, you must declare and launch a takeover bid, meaning you must buy the rest of the shares on the market, obviously paying more for them. If you declare your intent to buy a company, the value of the shares goes up, and the shareholders who have their shares see their value increase, so they sell them to you, allowing you to secure the company with benefits for the entire market. This is how a democratic stock market works in a free competition system. This is what the Draghi law says, while these clever clogs didn't want to launch a bid, so they accumulated shareholdings unbeknownst to the market. They didn’t even want to shell out money; for example, Consorte ensured that BNL shares were acquired by cooperatives, nominee companies, friendly financial companies without selling them to him, because otherwise, he would have had to buy them, and he didn’t have the money. You will remember that UNIPOL was a quarter the size of BNL, which they wanted to buy. It was a flea wanting to eat an elephant. So, to control the elephant, the flea made deals with other fleas so that each would hold its own stake and covertly stay allied with him. Why? Because there was another contender for acquiring BNL, the Banco de Bilbao from the Basque Country, which, as per Italian law, had launched a takeover bid and were waiting to see who entered the net. They were buying by paying, while Consorte was piecing together his mosaic of fleas to reach 51% without having to declare himself and overpay for these shares, in defiance of the Draghi law. This is the accusation brought against him like against Fiorani for the takeover of Popolare di Lodi on Antonveneta, as against Ricucci for the takeover of Corriere della Sera even though Ricucci, at least, although accused of cheating and deceiving the stock market, was putting in the money. He was very liquid, Ricucci, with his dazzling property deals. Let’s arrive in the summer of 2005 when difficulties arise. Who intervenes to keep Consorte afloat? The politicians. Let’s be clear, politicians are not the masters of financiers; they are the financiers who are the masters of politicians! Politicians have now become the expenses of little lambs, of lapdogs, of retrievers. They can, however, serve to do this or that favor, but the financier commands. We have Consorte speaking with Latorre and D'Alema, who are his contacts at the top of the DS even though the DS at that time had Fassino as secretary. Poor Fassino, remember, in the ca

This week, I'd like to talk about a gentleman, or rather two, as one is tied to the other; one does not exist without the other. They are shaking up what little opposition or presumed opposition remains in Parliament. This duo: D'Alema and Latorre. They're a bit like Laurel and Hardy. They always travel as a pair. Once, one was the boss and the other the aide; then, at some point, the aide was promoted and even became a senator and deputy group leader of the DS in the Senate and, in this legislature, deputy group leader of the PD in the Senate. The highest authority after Anna Finocchiaro of the opposition—imagine how we are doing. This Latorre, three years ago, in the summer of 2005, was caught with his pants down, practically, while he was coaching two of the three climbers of the infamous "furbetti del quartierino" (the sly ones from the neighborhood): the one who was attacking the Corriere della Sera, Ricucci, and the one who was attacking BNL, Consorte. Meanwhile, D'Alema was only caught collaborating with the climb on Consorte, that is, Unipol’s attempt to take over the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro. Today, the two are back to causing trouble, not in the financial sphere this time, where they've already failed; BNL did not pass to Unipol: their efforts proved fruitless, and besides being up to no good, they are also infamous buffoons, unable to carry through their cunning schemes. Today, they are causing damage because Latorre is the one who discredited—if there was ever a need—the PD by writing messages on a note to his counterpart on the other side, the deputy group leader of the PDL Bocchino, in the famous image captured on Omnibus on La7. When Bocchino is in trouble, Latorre comes to his aid. This naturally created quite an uproar within the PD since such things had always been done secretly; certain red or pink rescues had always been offered to the center-right without being noticed. This time, it was right in front of the cameras; it took the wit of someone like Latorre to do such a thing, and thankfully it happened so that even the skeptics could see. Not how similar the two parties are—there is nothing alike between the PD and the PDL—but how complementary they are, as Veltri and Beha say, the current majority and the so-called opposition represented by the PD. I must say, if there were the attention in Italy that should be paid to the immediate, I’m not even talking about the past, just the phone calls between Latorre and D’Alema with Consorte—and for Latorre, also with Ricucci—would have been enough to cut to the chase and say, "These two have caused enough damage; let’s send them home." Instead, it took a note to understand who Latorre is, and of course, you will see that this note will soon be forgotten and forgiven within days because no one ever pays for their misdeeds here. Just think about how many hundreds of thousands of votes these gentlemen have cost with their banking takeovers in the electoral campaign that Prodi started in the autumn of 2005, which began with a large lead but dwindled to the point of a tie with Berlusconi in 2006. This was the electoral campaign in which, rightly, Berlusconi's newspapers used the intercepted calls of Fassino: "We have a bank!" The public embarrassment continued when the calls of D'Alema and Latorre came out, where D'Alema, as we will see, told Consorte to "make us dream!" These damages have never been paid for because no one has ever accounted for that season. D'Alema, who is not stupid, understood when those phone calls came out and last year when Forleo transmitted them to Parliament, that the base was completely disconcerted. That it was necessary to step aside for a while, to sink down as they say in Sicily: "calati, giunco, che passa la piena" (calm yourself, bulrush, for the flood passes), so that people would forget. Today we have forgotten, and that’s why we talk about it. We need to remember those phone calls because no one has ever accounted for them, and n

Hetzer, read what I’m sharing with you below, said by Travaglio about D'Alema, so maybe you’ll think twice before talking about double standards.

Do you realize that you're sharing your life with people who don't give a damn? I'm saying this with affection, okay? ;) But if I ask you what 2+2 equals, do you respond with 4 or do you give me a 30-line essay on mathematics?

Legendary Lux, I love this album too!

ashanti, it depends on what one is looking for in a book... it’s easier for a non-fiction text to "serve a purpose," while literature understood as art can also be pure artistic-intellectual pleasure... your criticism seems a bit like that of those who, when watching a film, look for meaning at all costs, when to fully enjoy it, one only needs to let go...

Psycho, just an informative note: Craxi was not only under investigation but was definitively sentenced to 10 years in prison, including 5 years and 6 months for the Eni-Sai bribes (corruption) and 4 years and 6 months for the bribes regarding the Milan metro (illegal financing). Additionally, he was sentenced in the second instance to three years for Enimont (illegal financing); sentenced to five years and nine months for the Enel bribes and five years and nine months for the Protezione account (fraudulent bankruptcy of Banco Ambrosiano).
He was saved from prescription on appeal after a conviction of four years in court for the bribes of BERLUSCONI through All Iberian. He was simply indicted in the first instance for the kickbacks of the Milan-Serravalle highway (corruption) and for those related to cooperation with the third world, as well as for tax fraud on the proceeds of his various bribes.
He died a fugitive, before his numerous ongoing trials could come to a conclusion. I really don't understand what there is to rehabilitate about such a person... yet they want to name streets and squares after him...

Hi John, you too have reached the final stage... we will follow you sooner or later, but in the meantime your spirit will brighten our stay among the living... and it’s as if you still live...